Matribhumi Samachar English
Pakistan, established in 1947 following the split of Bharat, appeared poised for further division. Many observers saw it as a geographical anomaly, a loose merging of two distinct territories 1,000 miles apart. Apart from having a Muslim majority, West Pakistan and East Pakistan (now known as Bangladesh) have little in common.
The 1971 war and Bharat’s humanitarian support to build Bangladesh
Soldiers in Pakistan’s National Army used to rape, beat, and commit other crimes against the indigenous Bengali population. The folks choose to escape to Bharat after growing weary of it. The Bharatiya government decided to free East Pakistan from Pakistani rule to create a new nation after witnessing such a large-scale evacuation and anti-humanitarian activities. During the main conflict, Mukti Bahini, a Bangla militia trained by Bharat, gathered intelligence and assisted in shutting off supplies from Pakistan in some areas. The Bharatiya army supplied the majority of the soldiers’ training, equipment, and manpower. Long before the official start of the war, Bharatiya forces were fighting alongside Mukti Fauj. One of the first clashes occurred in July 1971 when the 57 Artillery Brigade destroyed Pakistani defenses in Aatgram and Chagram, from Col. P K Gautam’s Operation Bangladesh. Such encounters continued until December, during which Mukti Bahini militants engaged in partisan warfare, sabotage, and intelligence collection. However, they relied on the Bharatiya army for actual combat because they were weak fighters in direct combat. During the 12/13 days between December 4–16, 1971, Bharat lost 3900 soldiers.
Bharat helped the returnees return home, supplied transportation, and assisted with road and bridge repairs as soon as they were freed. Then, nearly all of the US$232 million in aid that Bharat had promised Bangladesh was given out. In 1972, 900,000 tons of food grains accounted for the largest component of Bharatiya aid. Bangladesh benefited greatly from the Bharat-Bangladesh Trade Agreement, which was signed on March 28, 1972, with an interest-free swing limit of Rs 5 crore. This agreement allowed Bangladesh to purchase coal and other vital commodities and resources.
Hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshi immigrants were welcomed into Bharat in accordance with its traditional traditions, and the country’s average citizen voluntarily shared the financial burden. The nation’s citizens fiercely supported the East Pakistani resistance forces, and a war tax was enforced. However, Bharat was ultimately compelled to militarily intervene in the situation that only threatened to worsen due to the Pakistani army’s relentless atrocities and those of its Islamic allies. In fact, Bharat even ran the danger of upsetting the US, a superpower that publicly supported the homicidal Yahya dictatorship in Rawalpindi. The fact that the Bharatiya people bore the heavy financial burden of the flood of refugees and the ensuing conflict is evidence of their tenacity and compassion for the plight of people from other nations. Bharat did not fight the 1971 war with imperialist illusions of grandeur or to further any specific national goals. Bhagwan Ram defeated Ravana many millennia ago to restore the rule of morality and dharma rather than to conquer Lanka. Following his victory, Rama gave Lanka back to its inhabitants and monarch, Vibhishan. In the same vein, Bharat fought wars against chauvinism, sectarianism, and genocide. We prevailed not just with weapons but also with higher ideas, such as compassion and unity with others.
How are Hindus being persecuted despite their significant contributions to Bangladesh during both good and terrible times?
Religious identification has been more common among many Bangladeshis in recent years, and many are tired of ethical and linguistic hangovers. If religion doesn’t play a significant role, you simply cannot support a nation that conducted one of the most horrible genocides in your country only a few decades ago. What drives you to openly despise a nation like Bharat, which assisted you in attaining independence and was one of the first few nations to recognise your sovereignty?
Following the 2024 uprising, Bangladesh underwent a regime transition that not only upset the country’s internal political climate but also prompted strategic adjustments across its surrounding region. Additionally, there is a concerning increase in radicalism and religious extremism throughout the nation under the extremist Yunus’ interim administration. In Bangladesh, radical organisations and ideologies have been more prevalent since last year. For instance, hardline organisations like Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh have more room under the Younis administration than they did under the previous one. These groups are now more noticeable in public conversations and on the streets. Through mosques and religious schools, Islamist groups have radicalised a sizable section of the populace, particularly young people. Minorities, especially Hindus in Bangladesh, are in a more precarious situation due to the country’s growing radicalism. Sadly, Hindus’ property, privacy, and lives are still unprotected in Bangladesh. Such heinous acts are either ignored by the state or, worse, encouraged by it. The majority of victims of inhumane Islamic brutality are women and children. In the name of Majahab, Hindu women are raped, their property is looted, and innocent people are killed. Both Bangladesh and Pakistan have seen a sharp decline in the Hindu population. For Hindus living in those nations, human rights are still, at best, a pipe dream. Murtis and mandirs are frequently desecrated or even destroyed, and their faith is targeted and insulted. Conversion to Islam is the only way out offered by the leaders of these nations. This also applied in 1922 and 1946. Targeted attacks, mob lynchings, and sectarian violence have brought about a climate of dread and insecurity.
Residential homes have been attacked, places of worship have been trashed, and property has been destroyed—often without prompt responsibility. Minorities are being singled out due to their identification rather than any criminal activity. Such violence erodes public confidence in the government and conveys the idea that Islamic religious extremists are more important than humanity. There have been several stories of mob harassment and lynchings in recent months, indicating an unsettling increase in violence. In one such instance, a 25-year-old Hindu Dalit man called Chandra Das was burned and lynched for allegedly blaspheming during recent altercations. However, sectarian attacks have primarily targeted Hindus; Hindus are not the only victims of violence. Two Christian girls in Chittagong were allegedly publicly attacked for not donning the hijab, a head covering that Muslim girls wear but is not customary for Christians. In addition to these attacks, minorities are increasingly receiving threats to convert or flee the nation, which is indicative of a troubling increase in intolerance, coercion, and religious fanaticism.
Chandra Das’s murder is not an isolated incident; rather, it is a part of a larger trend in which claims of blasphemy are increasingly exploited to excuse mob violence and stifle dissent. Such atrocities incite lawlessness and instill fear in minorities. If this pattern persists, social cohesion will be further undermined, and Bangladesh will become much more unstable. This heinous conduct is a sign of the nation’s escalating fanaticism and intolerance. Jamaat-e-Islami’s comeback is a major cause of this kind of intercommunal strife. The Yunus administration has freed the group’s leaders who were imprisoned under the Hasina administration, allowing them to move freely and publicly threaten Bharat and minority Hindus. Mufti Jashimuddin Rahmani, the leader of the Ansarullah Bangla Team, an Al-Qaeda-inspired group now known as Ansar al Islam, recently delivered a ferocious anti-Bharat diatribe, highlighting this hazardous trend. The Yunus government also liberated Rahmani last year, which raised grave concerns about the strengthening of extremist forces, the diminishing space for religious minorities, and the stability of the region. Hasina claimed that recent tensions were purposefully created in an email conversation with a news outlet. She asserted that Yunus had put such individuals in positions of authority and freed terrorists who had been proven guilty. She also stated that New Delhi’s worries regarding the safety of its diplomatic personnel were legitimate.
Bangladesh has been becoming closer to Pakistan, a country notorious for its internal unrest and militancy. Opposition to Bharat and Hindus is intensifying, radicalism is developing within Bangladesh, and attacks on minorities are ongoing. Despite Pakistan’s history of causing Bangladesh much misery, recent visits by high-ranking officials and military generals, including ISI commanders, indicate a change in the country’s political trajectory. Pakistan’s well-known model of political instability, eroding democratic institutions, and room for terrorist organisations is reflected in this expanding impact. It exacerbates turmoil, assassinations, widespread protests, and attacks on minorities rather than improving governance.
The fact that a religious extremist received the Nobel Peace Prize is a disgrace to humanity, and it is even more disgraceful that humanitarian groups have remained silent about the crimes committed against minorities and Hindus in Bangladesh. To combat the lethal powers of inhumane acts against them, Hindus, including Buddhists, Sikhs, and Jains, must unite. In the face of these anti-human forces, Hindu solidarity and resistance will undoubtedly alter the situation.
Credit : Organiser Weekly
